Friday, May 14, 2010


An actor walks upon the floodlit stage of life

wearing a mask of an angel beneath a demon's gown.

Pretence smiles upon the crowded hall of life

holding out hope as bright as it is false.

Son of a woman in whose veins flows the blood

of ancient Ireland and dark Africa's plains.

You are Obama, nick-named the standing king

You are Barack, oh, son born to deceive

The suffering hoards of Africa look up to you,

See a black saviour where nought but a Judas strides.

An entrapper of nations, bringer of dismal war

Behind the robes and the nylon wings of hope

Oh, may those who look upon you, see you as you are.

May those who hope in you behold you as you be

A prince deceitful to bring down Africa's shrines

A siren who leads Africa's ships onto rocks of obliteration.

Your rule my lord will not be one of peace

Your reign my king will not be one of smiles

Even as we speak in caves both dark and dank

Enraged fanatics plot your dark demise

They will put around your head a bloodwet martyr's crown.

Oh black Kennedy following the one before

May God forgive thee and thy fiery spouse

As you walk in silence from the stage of life

Barack Obama, blessed son, Oh standing king

Thursday, May 13, 2010


South Africa is still a criminal settler terrorist state, ruled and run by the same imperialists, colonialists, terrorist forces as it was before 1994. There is no fundamental change in the structure and the framework of this white euro state though now we have new managers who are trying by all means to convince us that south Africa is AFRIKAN. South Africa was created by white European terrorists, murderers, those bloodsuckers who killed my people and raped man, woman and even babies. The structure of south Africa is white, European, colonial and emperial in form and substance. South Africa was created for the purpose of exploiting AFRIKA, its people and its resources. The laws that were created was for the protection of white colonial interests, and the so called Rule of LAW for the justification of the exploitation of AFRIKA by these vampires hence the GREEK, ROMAN, DUTCH, ANGLO,AMERICAN LAW.

South Africa is still a criminal settler colony which must be liberated by AFRIKANS. What happened in 1994 was a transfer of managerial task from white colonialist to their African neo colonialists represented by ANC. Nelson Mandela and his company sold AFRIKA in the altar of white supremacy to these barbarians from Europe who still continues exploiting our country unmercifully. The ANC managerial staff is the agent of de beers, oppeinheimer, anglo american, rino tinto, and all the exploiters of human and natural resources of AFRIKA. It is a lie that AZANIA is liberated from white imperial colonial bondage. They only want to deceive us by creating a sham government who get funding from the same raper of our mother AFRIKA. Some of us are not confused or deceived by what is going on, the so called rainbow nation of Tutu, De klerk and Mandela is an illusion, it is not reality. Actually AFRIKA will always be for AFRIKANS those of us here at home and those who are abroad mostly through enslavement. Mandela and de klerk can fool some people but they can not fool all the people all the time. Revolution by a united BLACK REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT against this south African white power structure is the only way to liberate AZANIA. No negotiated settlement with white supremacy can bring change to our BLACK situation. If we are serious as AFRIKANS about our AFRIKAN BEING, our state of consciousness, we suppose to know that white man is a thief, robbery, raper, bloodsucker, a barbarian who only survive here in AZANIA through the exploitation of AFRIKAN resources. We must stop this madness that keeps on destroying our AFRIKANNESS. Negotiating with the thief won’t solve anything instead it will make things worse and more complicated. We must fight for our freedom. We can not beg for our freedom. H.I.M HAILE SELASSIE put it clear when he said “However this achievement can not redound to the credit of AFRIKAN peoples if independence attained is one in name only. In such a situation, the emergence from colonialism is but illusory, and the use of the word “independence” would constitute not only a distortion, but also a disservice to the cause of AFRIKAN freedom by erecting a screen behind which those same foreign influences which hitherto were revealed to the world as colonialist interest could, in disguise, continue to operate. In other words, those who seek independence must be prepared to struggle for it rather than accept it; and having won it, to stand on their feet without dependence and without favours. The must be prepared to assert their ability to maintain independence without exchanging it for financial support or for subsidies. Independence can not be a simple word devoid of meaning, it must remain a principle admitting of no compromise or suspicion, a principle demanding respect for self and at the same time equal respect for the rights of others”. South Africa must be destroyed.


The Pitfalls of National Consciousness BY FRANTZ FANON

HISTORY teaches us clearly that the battle against colonialism does not run straight away along the lines of nationalism. For a very long time the native devotes his energies to ending certain definite abuses: forced labour, corporal punishment, inequality of salaries, limitation of political rights, etc. This fight for democracy against the oppression of mankind will slowly leave the confusion of neo-liberal universalism to emerge, sometimes laboriously, as a claim to nationhood. It so happens that the unpreparedness of the educated classes, the lack of practical links between them and the mass of the people, their laziness, and, let it be said, their cowardice at the decisive moment of the struggle will give rise to tragic mishaps.

National consciousness, instead of being the all-embracing crystallization of the innermost hopes of the whole people, instead of being the immediate and most obvious result of the mobilization of the people, will be in any case only an empty shell, a crude and fragile travesty of what it might have been. The faults that we find in it are quite sufficient explanation of the facility with which, when dealing with young and independent nations, the nation is passed over for the race, and the tribe is preferred to the state. These are the cracks in the edifice which show the process of retrogression that is so harmful and prejudicial to national effort and national unity. We shall see that such retrograde steps with all the weaknesses and serious dangers that they entail are the historical result of the incapacity of the national middle class to rationalize popular action, that is to say their incapacity to see into the reasons for that action.

This traditional weakness, which is almost congenital to the national consciousness of under-developed countries, is not solely the result of the mutilation of the colonized people by the colonial regime. It is also the result of the intellectual laziness of the national middle class, of its spiritual penury, and of the profoundly cosmopolitan mould that its mind is set in.

The national middle class which takes over power at the end of the colonial regime is an under-developed middle class. It has practically no economic power, and in any case it is in no way commensurate with the bourgeoisie of the mother country which it hopes to replace. In its wilful narcissism, the national middle class is easily convinced that it can advantageously replace the middle class of the mother country. But that same independence which literally drives it into a comer will give rise within its ranks to catastrophic reactions, and will oblige it to send out frenzied appeals for help to the former mother country. The university and merchant classes which make up the most enlightened section of the new state are in fact characterized by the smallness of their number and their being concentrated in the capital, and the type of activities in which they are engaged: business, agriculture and the liberal professions. Neither financiers nor industrial magnates are to be found within this national middle class. The national bourgeoisie of under-developed countries is not engaged in production, nor in invention, nor building, nor labour; it is completely canalized into activities of the intermediary type. Its innermost vocation seems to be to keep in the running and to be part of the racket. The psychology of the national bourgeoisie is that of the businessman, not that of a captain of industry; and it is only too true that the greed of the settlers and the system of embargoes set up by colonialism has hardly left them any other choice.

Under the colonial system, a middle class which accumulates capital is an impossible phenomenon. Now, precisely, it would seem that the historical vocation of an authentic national middle class in an under-developed country is to repudiate its own nature in so far as it is bourgeois, that is to say in so far as it is the tool of capitalism, and to make itself the willing slave of that revolutionary capital which is the people.

In an under-developed country an authentic national middle class ought to consider as its bounden duty to betray the calling fate has marked out for it, and to put itself to school with the people: in other words to put at the people’s disposal the intellectual and technical capital that it has snatched when going through the colonial universities. But unhappily we shall see that very often the national middle class does not follow this heroic, positive, fruitful and just path; rather, it disappears with its soul set at peace into the shocking ways — shocking because anti-national — of a traditional bourgeoisie, of a bourgeoisie which is stupidly, contemptibly, cynically bourgeois.

The objective of nationalist parties as from a certain given period is, we have seen, strictly national. They mobilize the people with slogans of independence, and for the rest leave it to future events. When such parties are questioned on the economic programme of the state that they are clamouring for, or on the nature of the regime which they propose to install, they are incapable of replying, because, precisely, they are completely ignorant of the economy of their own country.

This economy has always developed outside the limits of their knowledge. They have nothing more than an approximate, bookish acquaintance with the actual and potential resources of their country’s soil and mineral deposits; and therefore they can only speak of these resources on a general and abstract plane. After independence this under-developed middle class, reduced in numbers and without capital, which refuses to follow the path of revolution, will fall into deplorable stagnation. It is unable to give free rein to its genius, which formerly it was wont to lament, though rather too glibly, was held in check by colonial domination. The precariousness of its resources and the paucity of its managerial class forces it back for years into an artisan economy. From its point of view, which is inevitably a very limited one, a national economy is an economy based on what may be called local products. Long speeches will be made about the artisan class. Since the middle classes find it impossible to set up factories that would be more profit-earning both for themselves and for the country as a whole, they will surround the artisan class with a chauvinistic tenderness in keeping with the new awareness of national dignity, and which moreover will bring them in quite a lot of money. This cult of local products and this incapability to seek out new systems of management will be equally manifested by the bogging down of the national middle class in the methods of agricultural production which were characteristic of the colonial period.

The national economy of the period of independence is not set on a new footing. It is still concerned with the ground-nut harvest, with the cocoa crop and the olive yield. In the same way there is no change in the marketing of basic products, and not a single industry is set up in the country. We go on sending out raw materials; we go on being Europe’s small farmers who specialize in unfinished products.

Yet the national middle class constantly demands the nationalization of the economy and of the trading sectors. This is because, from their point of view, nationalization does not mean placing the whole economy at the service of the nation and deciding to satisfy the needs of the nation. For them, nationalization does not mean governing the state with regard to the new social relations whose growth it has been decided to encourage. To them, nationalization quite simply means the transfer into native hands of those unfair advantages which are a legacy of the colonial period.

Since the middle class has neither sufficient material nor intellectual resources (by intellectual resources we mean engineers and technicians) it limits its claims to the taking over of business offices and commercial houses formerly occupied by the settlers. The national bourgeoisie steps into the shoes of the former European settlement: doctors, barristers, traders, commercial travellers, general agents and transport agents. It considers that the dignity of the country and its own welfare require that it should occupy all these posts. From now on it will insist that all the big foreign companies should pass through its hands, whether these companies wish to keep on their connexions with the country, or to open it up. The national middle class discovers its historic mission: that of intermediary.

Seen through its eyes, its mission has nothing to do with transforming the nation; it consists, prosaically, of being the transmission line between the nation and a capitalism, rampant though camouflaged, which today puts on the masque of neocolonialism. The national bourgeoisie will be quite content with the role of the Western bourgeoisie’s business agent, and it will play its part without any complexes in a most dignified manner. But this same lucrative role, this cheap-jack’s function, this meanness of outlook and this absence of all ambition symbolize the incapability of the national middle class to fulfil its historic role of bourgeoisie. Here, the dynamic, pioneer aspect, the characteristics of the inventor and of the discoverer of new worlds which are found in all national bourgeoisies are lamentably absent. In the colonial countries, the spirit of indulgence is dominant at the core of the bourgeoisie; and this is because the national bourgeoisie identifies itself with the Western bourgeoisie, from whom it has learnt its lessons. It follows the West-em bourgeoisie along its path of negation and decadence without ever having emulated it in its first stages of exploration and invention, stages which are an acquisition of that Western bourgeoisie whatever the circumstances. In its beginnings, the national bourgeoisie of the colonial countries identifies itself with the decadence of the bourgeoisie of the West. We need not think that it is jumping ahead; it is in fact beginning at the end. It is already senile before it has come to know the petulance, the fearlessness or the will to succeed of youth.

The national bourgeoisie will be greatly helped on its way towards decadence by the Western bourgeoisies, who come to it as tourists avid for the exotic, for big-game hunting and for casinos. The national bourgeoisie organizes centres of rest and relaxation and pleasure resorts to meet the wishes of the Western bourgeoisie. Such activity is given the name of tourism, and for the occasion will be built up as a national industry. If proof is needed of the eventual transformation of certain elements of the ex-native bourgeoisie into the organizers of parties for their Western opposite numbers, it is worth while having a look at what has happened in Latin America. The casinos of Havana and of Mexico, the beaches of Rio, the little Brazilian and Mexican girls, the half-breed thirteen-year-olds, the ports of Acapulco and Copacabana — all these are the stigma of this depravation of the national middle class. Because it is bereft of ideas, because it lives to itself and cuts itself off from the people, undermined by its hereditary incapacity to think in terms of all the problems of the nation as seen from the point of view of the whole of that nation, the national middle class will have nothing better to do than to take on the role of manager for Western enterprise, and it will in practice set up its country as the brothel of Europe.

Once again we must keep before us the unfortunate example of certain Latin American republics. The banking magnates, the technocrats and the big businessmen of the United States have only to step on to a plane and they are wafted into sub-tropical climes, there for a space of a week or ten days to luxuriate in the delicious depravities which their ‘reserves’ hold for them.

The behaviour of the national landed proprietors is practically identical with that of the middle classes of the towns. The big farmers have, as soon as independence was proclaimed, demanded the nationalization of agricultural production. Through manifold scheming practices they manage to make a clean sweep of the farms formerly owned by settlers, thus rein-forcing their hold on the district. But they do not try to introduce new agricultural methods, nor to farm more intensively, nor to integrate their farming systems into a genuinely national economy.

In fact, the landed proprietors will insist that the state should give them a hundred times more facilities and privileges than were enjoyed by the foreign settlers in former times. The exploitation of agricultural workers will be intensified and made legitimate. Using two or three slogans, these new colonists will demand an enormous amount of work from the agricultural labourers, in the name of the national effort of course. There will be no modernization of agriculture, no planning for development, and no initiative; for initiative throws these people into a panic since it implies a minimum of risk, and completely upsets the hesitant, prudent, landed bourgeoisie, which gradually slips more and more into the lines laid down by colonialism. In. the districts where this is the case, the only efforts made to better things are due to the government; it orders them, encourages them and finances them. The landed bourgeoisie refuses to take the slightest risk, and remains opposed to any venture and to any hazard. It has no intention of building upon sand; it demands solid investments and quick returns. The enormous profits which it pockets, enormous if we take into account the national revenue, are never reinvested. The money-in-the-stocking mentality is dominant in the psychology of these landed proprietors. Sometimes, especially in the years immediately following independence, the bourgeoisie does not hesitate to invest in foreign banks the profits that it makes out of its native soil.

On the other hand large sums are spent on display: on cars, country houses, and on all those things which have been justly described by economists as characterizing an under-developed bourgeoisie.

We have said that the native bourgeoisie which comes to power uses its class aggressiveness to corner the positions formerly kept for foreigners. On the morrow of independence, in fact, it violently attacks colonial personalities: barristers, traders, landed proprietors, doctors and higher civil servants. It will fight to the bitter end against these people ‘who insult our dignity as a nation’. It waves aloft the notion of the nationalization and Aricanization of the ruling classes. The fact is that such action will become more and more tinged by racism, until the bourgeoisie bluntly puts the problem to the government by saying ‘We must have these posts’. They will not stop their snarling until they have taken over every one.

The working class of the towns, the masses of unemployed, the small artisans and craftsmen for their part line up behind this nationalist attitude; but in all justice let it be said, they only follow in the steps of their bourgeoisie. If the national bourgeoisie goes into competition with the Europeans, the artisans and craftsmen start a fight against non-national Africans. In the Ivory Coast, the anti-Dahoman and anti-Voltaic troubles are in fact racial riots. The Dahoman and Voltaic peoples, who control the greater part of the petty trade, are, once independence is declared, the object of hostile manifestations on the part of the people of the Ivory Coast. From nationalism we have passed to ultra-nationalism, to chauvinism, and finally to racism. These foreigners are called on to leave; their shops are burned, their street stalls are wrecked, and in fact the government of the Ivory Coast commands them to go, thus giving their nationals satisfaction. In Senegal it is the anti-Sudanese demonstrations which called forth these words from Mr Mamadou Dia:

“The truth is that the Senegalese people have only adopted the Mali mystique through attachment to its leaders. Their adhesion to the Mali has no other significance than that of a fresh act of faith in the political policy of the latter. The Senegalese territory was no less real, in fact it was all the more so in that the presence of the Sudanese in Dakar too obviously manifested for it to be forgotten. It is this fact which explains that, far from being regretted, the break-up of the Federation has been greeted with relief by the mass of the people and nowhere was a hand raised to maintain it.” (Mamadou Dia: Nations africaines et sohdarite mondial, Presses Universitaires de France, p. 140.)

While certain sections of the Senegalese people jump at the chance which is afforded them by their own leaders to get rid of the Sudanese, who hamper them in commercial matters or in administrative posts, the Congolese, who stood by hardly daring to believe in the mass exodus of the Belgians, decide to bring pressure to bear on the Senegalese who have settled in Leopoldville and Elizabethville and to get them to leave.

As we see it, the mechanism is identical in the two sets of circumstances. If the Europeans get in the way of the intellectuals and business bourgeoisie of the young nation, for the mass of the people in the towns competition is represented principally by Africans of another nation. On the Ivory Coast these competitors are the Dahomans; in Ghana they are the Nigerians; in Senegal, they are the Sudanese.

When the bourgeoisie’s demands for a ruling class made up exclusively of Negroes or Arabs do not spring from an authentic movement of nationalization but merely correspond to an anxiety to place in the bourgeoisie’s hands the power held hitherto by the foreigner, the masses on their level present the same demands, confining, however, the notion of Negro or Arab within certain territorial limits. Between resounding assertions of the unity of the continent and this behaviour of the masses which has its inspiration in their leaders, many different attitudes may be traced. We observe a permanent see-saw between African unity, which fades quicker and quicker into the mists of oblivion, and a heart-breaking return to chauvinism in its most bitter and detestable form.

“On the Senegalese side, the leaders who have been the main theoreticians of African unity, and who several times over have sacrificed their local political organizations and their personal positions to this idea, are, though in all good faith, undeniably responsible. Their mistake — our mistake — has been, under pretext of fighting ‘Balkanization’, not to have taken into consideration the pre-colonial fact of territorialism. Our mistake has been not to have paid enough attention in our analyses to this phenomenon, which is the fruit of colonialism if you like, but also a sociological fact which no theory of unity, be it ever so laudable or attractive, can abolish. We have allowed ourselves to be seduced by a mirage; that of the structure which is the most pleasing to our minds; and, mistaking our ideal for reality, we have believed it enough to condemn territorialism, and its natural sequel, micro-nationalism, for us to get the better of them, and to assure the success of our chimerical undertaking”. (Mamadou Dia, op. cit.)

From the chauvinism of the Senegalese to the tribalism of the Yolofs is not a big step. For, in fact, everywhere that the national bourgeoisie has failed to break through to the people as a whole, to enlighten them, and to consider all problems in the first place with regard to them — a failure due to the bourgeoisie’s attitude of mistrust and to the haziness of its political tenets — everywhere where that national bourgeoisie has shown itself incapable of extending its vision of the world sufficiently, we observe a falling back towards old tribal attitudes, and, furious and sick at heart, we perceive that race feeling in its most exacerbated form is triumphing. Since the sole motto of the bourgeoisie is ‘Replace the foreigner’, and because it hastens in every walk of life to secure justice for itself and to take over the posts that the foreigner has vacated, the ‘small people’ of the nation — taxi-drivers, cake-sellers and shoeblacks — will be equally quick to insist that the Dahomans go home to their own country, or will even go further and demand that the Foulbis and the Peuhls return to their jungle or their mountains.

It is from this view-point that we must interpret the fact that in young, independent countries, here and there federalism triumphs. We know that colonial domination has marked certain regions out for privilege. The colony’s economy is not integrated into that of the nation as a whole. It is still organized in order to complete the economy of the different mother countries. Colonialism hardly ever exploits the whole of a country. It contents itself with bringing to light the natural resources, which it extracts, and exports to meet the needs of the mother country’s industries, thereby allowing certain sectors of the colony to become relatively rich. But the rest of the colony follows its path of under-development and poverty, or at all events sinks into it more deeply.

Immediately after independence, the nationals who live in the more prosperous regions realize their good luck, and show a primary and profound reaction in refusing to feed the other nationals. The districts which are rich in ‘ground-nuts, in cocoa and in diamonds come to the forefront, and dominate the empty panorama which the rest of the nation presents. The nationals of these rich regions look upon the others with hatred, and find in them envy and covetousness, and homicidal impulses. Old rivalries which were there before colonialism, old inter-racial hatred come to the surface. The Balubas refuse to feed the Luluas; Katanga forms itself into a state, and Albert Kalondji gets himself crowned king of South Kasai.

African unity, that vague formula, yet one to which the men and women of Africa were passionately attached, and whose operative value served to bring immense pressure to bear on colonialism, African unity takes off the mask, and crumbles into regionalism inside the hollow shell of nationality itself. The national bourgeoisie, since it is strung up to defend its immediate interests, and sees no farther than the end of its nose, reveals itself incapable of simply bringing national unity into being, or of building up the nation on a stable and productive basis. The national front which has forced colonialism to withdraw cracks up, and wastes the victory it has gained.

This merciless fight engaged upon by races and tribes, and this aggressive anxiety to occupy the posts left vacant by the departure of the foreigner, will equally give rise to religious rivalries. In the country districts and the bush, minor con-fraternities, local religions and maraboutic cults will show a new vitality and will once more take up their round of excommunications. In the big towns, on the level of the administrative classes, we will observe the coming to grips of the two great revealed religions, Islam and Catholicism.

Colonialism, which had been shaken to its very foundations by the birth of African unity, recovers its balance and tries now to break that will to unity by using all the movement’s weaknesses. Colonialism will set the African peoples moving by revealing to them the existence of ‘spiritual’ rivalries. In Senegal, it is the newspaper New Africa which week by week distils hatred of Islam and of the Arabs. The Lebanese, in whose hands is the greater part of the small trading enterprises on the western seaboard, are marked out for national obloquy. The missionaries find it opportune to remind the masses that long before the advent of European colonialism the great African empires were disrupted by the Arab invasion. There is no hesitation in saying that it was the Arab occupation which paved the way for European colonialism; Arab imperialism is commonly spoken of, and the cultural. imperialism of Islam is condemned. Moslems are usually kept out of the more important posts. In other regions the reverse is the case, and it is the native Christians who are considered as conscious, objective enemies of national independence.

Colonialism pulls every string shamelessly, and is only too content to set at loggerheads those Africans who only yesterday were leagued against the settlers. The idea of a Saint Bartholomew takes shape in certain minds, and the advocates of colonialism laugh to themselves derisively when they hear magnificent declarations about African unity. Inside a single nation, religion splits up the people into different spiritual communities, all of them kept up and stiffened by colonialism and its instruments. Totally unexpected events break out here and there. In regions where Catholicism or Protestantism predominates, we see the Moslem minorities flinging themselves with unaccustomed ardour into their devotions. The Islamic feast days are revived, and the Moslem religion defends itself inch by inch against the violent absolutism of the Catholic faith. Ministers of state are heard to say for the benefit of certain individuals that if they are not content they have only to go to Cairo. Sometimes American Protestantism transplants its anti-Catholic prejudices into African soil, and keeps up tribal rivalries through religion.

Taking the continent as a whole, this religious tension may be responsible for the revival of the commonest racial feeling. Africa is divided into Black and White, and the names that are substituted — Africa south of the Sahara, Africa north of the Sahara — do not manage to hide this latent racism. Here, it is affirmed that White Africa has a thousand-year-old tradition of culture; that she is Mediterranean, that she is a Continuation of Europe and that she shares in Graeco-Latin civilization. Black Africa is looked on as a region that is inert, brutal, uncivilized — in a word, savage. There, all day long you may hear unpleasant remarks about veiled women, polygamy and the supposed disdain the Arabs have for the feminine sex. All such remarks are reminiscent in their aggressiveness of those that are so often heard coming from the settler’s lips. The national bourgeoisie of each of these two great religions, which has totally assimilated colonialist thought in its most corrupt form, takes over from the Europeans and establishes in the continent a racial philosophy which is extremely harmful for the future of Africa. By its laziness and will to imitation, it promotes the ingrafting and stiffening of racism which was characteristic of the colonial era. Thus it is by no means astonishing to hear in a country that calls itself African remarks which are neither more nor less than racist, and to observe the existence of paternalist behaviour which gives you the bitter impression that you are in Paris, Brussels or London.

In certain regions of Africa, drivelling paternalism with regard to the blacks and the loathsome idea derived from Western culture that the black man is impervious to logic and the sciences reign in all their nakedness. Sometimes it may be ascertained that the black minorities are hemmed in by a kind of semi-slavery which renders legitimate that species of wariness, or in other words mistrust, which the countries of Black Africa feel with regard to the countries of White Africa. It is all too common that a citizen of Black Africa hears himself called a ‘Negro’ by the children when walking in the streets of a big town in White Africa, or finds that civil servants address him in pidgin English.

Yes, unfortunately it is not unknown that students from Black Africa who attend secondary schools north of the Sahara hear their schoolfellows asking if in their country there are houses, if they know what electricity is, or if they practise cannibalism in their families. Yes, unfortunately it is not unknown that in certain regions north of the Sahara Africans coming from countries south of the Sahara meet nationals who implore them to take them ‘anywhere at all on condition we meet Negroes’. In parallel fashion, in certain young states of Black Africa members of parliament, or even ministers, maintain without a trace of humour that the danger is not at all of a reoccupation of their country by colonialism but of an eventual invasion by ‘those vandals of Arabs coming from the North’.

As we see it, the bankruptcy of the bourgeoisie is not apparent in the economic field only. They have come to power in the name of a narrow nationalism and representing a race; they will prove themselves incapable of triumphantly putting into practice a programme with even a minimum humanist content, in spite of fine-sounding declarations which are devoid of meaning since the speakers bandy about in irresponsible fashion phrases that come straight out of European treatises on morals and political philosophy. When the bourgeoisie is strong, when it can arrange everything and everybody to serve its power, it does not hesitate to affirm positively certain democratic ideas which claim to be universally applicable. There must be very exceptional circumstances if such a bourgeoisie, solidly based economically, is forced into denying its own humanist ideology. The Western bourgeoisie, though fundamentally racist, most often manages to mask this racism by a multiplicity of nuances which allow it to preserve intact its proclamation of mankind’s outstanding dignity.

The Western bourgeoisie has prepared enough fences and railings to have no real fear of the competition of those whom it exploits and holds in contempt. Western bourgeois racial prejudice as regards the nigger and the Arab is a racism of contempt; it is a racism which minimizes what it hates. Bourgeois ideology, however, which is the proclamation of an essential equality between men, manages to appear logical in its own eyes by inviting the sub-men to become human, and to take as their prototype Western humanity as incarnated in the Western bourgeoisie.

The racial prejudice of the young national bourgeoisie is a racism of defence, based on fear. Essentially it is no different from vulgar tribalism, or the rivalries between septs or confraternities. We may understand why keen-wined international observers have hardly taken seriously the great flights of oratory about African unity, for it is true that there are so many cracks in that unity visible to the naked eye that it is only reasonable to insist that all these contradictions ought to be resolved before the day of unity can come.

The people of Africa have only recently come to know themselves. They have decided, in the name of the whole continent, to weigh in strongly against the colonial regime. Now the nationalist bourgeoisies, who in region after region hasten to make their own fortunes and to set up a national system of exploitation, do their utmost to put obstacles in the path of this ‘Utopia’. The national bourgeoisies, who are quite clear as to what their objectives are, have decided to bar the way to that unity, to that coordinated effort on the part of two hundred and fifty million men to triumph over stupidity, hunger and inhumanity at one and the same time. This is why we must understand that African unity can only be achieved through the upward thrust of the people, and under the leadership of the people, that is to say, in defiance of the interests of the bourgeoisie.

As regards internal affairs and in the sphere of institutions, the national bourgeoisie will give equal proof of its incapacity. In a certain number of under-developed countries the parliamentary game is faked from the beginning. Powerless economically, unable to bring about the existence of coherent social relations, and standing on the principle of its domination as a class, the bourgeoisie chooses the solution that seems to it the easiest, that of the single party. It does not yet have the quiet conscience and the cairn that economic power and the control of the state machine alone can give. It does not create a state that reassures the ordinary citizen, but rather one that rouses his anxiety

The state, which by its strength and discretion ought to inspire confidence and disarm and lull everybody to sleep, on the contrary seeks to impose itself in spectacular fashion. It makes a display, it jostles people and bullies them, thus intimating to the citizen that he is in continual danger. The single party is the modem form of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, unmasked, unpainted, unscrupulous and cynical.

It is true that such a dictatorship does not go very far. It cannot halt the processes of its own contradictions. Since the bourgeoisie has not the economic means to ensure its domination and to throw a few crumbs to the rest of the country; since, moreover, it is preoccupied with filling its pockets as rapidly as possible but also as prosaically as possible, the country sinks all the more deeply into stagnation. And in order to hide this stagnation and to mask this regression, to reassure itself and to give itself something to boast about, the bourgeoisie can find nothing better to do than to erect grandiose buildings in the capital and to lay out money on what are called prestige expenses.

The national bourgeoisie turns its back more and more on the interior and on the real facts of its undeveloped country, and tends to look towards the former mother country and the foreign capitalists who count on its obliging compliance. As it does not share its profits with the people and in no way allows them to enjoy any of the dues that are paid to it by the big foreign companies, it will discover the need for a popular leader to whom will fall the dual role of stabilizing the regime and of perpetuating the domination of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeois dictatorship of under-developed countries draws its strength from the existence of a leader. We know that in the well-developed countries the bourgeois dictatorship is the result of the economic power of the bourgeoisie. In the under-developed countries on the contrary the leader stands for moral power, in whose shelter the thin and poverty-stricken bourgeoisie of the young nation decides to get rich.

The people who for years on end have seen this leader and heard him speak, who from a distance in a kind of dream have followed his contests with the colonial power, spontaneously put their trust in this patriot. Before independence, the leader generally embodies the aspirations of the people for independence, political liberty and national dignity. But as soon as independence is declared, far from embodying in concrete form the needs of the people in what touches bread, land and the restoration of the country to the sacred hands of the people, the leader will reveal his inner purpose: to become the general president of that company of profiteers impatient for their returns which constitutes the national bourgeoisie.

In spite of his frequently honest conduct and his sincere declarations, the leader as seen objectively is the fierce defender of these interests, today combined, of the national bourgeoisie and the ex-colonial companies. His honesty, which is his soul’s true bent, crumbles away little by little. His contact with the masses is so unreal that he comes to believe that his authority is hated and that the services that he has rendered his country are being called in question. The leader judges the ingratitude of the masses harshly, and every day that passes ranges himself a little more resolutely on the side of the exploiters. He therefore knowingly becomes the aider and abettor of the young bourgeoisie which is plunging into the mire of corruption and pleasure.

The economic channels of the young state sink back inevitably into neo-colonialist lines. The national economy, formerly protected, is today literally controlled. The budget is balanced through loans and gifts, while every three or four months the chief ministers themselves or else their governmental delegations come to the erstwhile mother countries or elsewhere, fishing for capital.

The former colonial power increases its demands, accumulates concessions and guarantees and takes fewer and fewer pains to mask the hold it has over the national government. The people stagnate deplorably in unbearable poverty; slowly they awaken to the unutterable treason of their leaders. This awakening is all the more acute in that the bourgeoisie is incapable of learning its lesson. The distribution of wealth that it effects is not spread out between a great many sectors; it is not ranged among different levels, nor does it set up a hierarchy of half-tones. The new caste is an affront all the more disgusting in that the immense majority, nine-tenths of the population, continue to die of starvation. The scandalous enrichment, speedy and pitiless, of this caste is accompanied by a decisive awakening on the part of the people, and a growing awareness that promises stormy days to come. The bourgeois caste, that section of the nation which annexes for its own profit all the wealth of the country, by a kind of unexpected logic will pass disparaging judgements upon the other Negroes and the other Arabs that more often than not are reminiscent of the racist doctrines of the former representatives of the colonial power. At one and the same time the poverty of the people, the immoderate money-making of the bourgeois caste, and its widespread scorn for the rest of the nation will harden thought and action.

But such threats will lead to the re-affirmation of authority and the appearance of dictatorship. The leader, who has behind him a lifetime of political action and devoted patriotism, constitutes a screen between the people and the rapacious bourgeoisie since he stands surety for the ventures of that caste and closes his eyes to their insolence, their mediocrity and their fundamental immorality. He acts as a braking-power on the awakening consciousness of the people. He comes to the aid of the bourgeois caste and hides his manoeuvres from the people, thus becoming the most eager worker in the task of mystifing and bewildering the masses. Every time he speaks to the people he calls to mind his often heroic life, the struggles he has led in the name of the people and the victories in their name he has achieved, thereby intimating clearly to the masses that they ought to go on putting their confidence in him. There are plenty of examples of African patriots who have introduced into the cautious political advance of their elders a decisive style characterized by its nationalist outlook. These men came from the backwoods, and they proclaimed, to the scandal of the dominating power and the shame of the nationals of the capital, that they came from the backwoods and that they spoke in the name of the Negroes. These men, who have sung the praises of their race, who have taken upon themselves the whole burden of the past, complete with cannibalism and degeneracy, find themselves today, alas, at the head of a team of administrators who turn their back on the jungle and who proclaim that the vocation of their people is to obey, to go on obeying and to be obedient till the end of time.

The leader pacifies the people. For years on end after independence has been won, we see him, incapable of urging on the people to a concrete task, unable really to open the future to them or of flinging them into the path of national reconstruction, that is to say, of their own reconstruction; we see him reassessing the history of independence and recalling the sacred unity of the struggle for liberation. The leader, because he refuses to break up the national bourgeoisie, asks the people to fall back into the past and to become drunk on the remembrance of the epoch which led up to independence. The leader, seen objectively, brings the people to a halt and persists in either expelling them from history or preventing them from taking root in it. During the struggle for liberation the leader awakened the people and promised them a forward march, heroic and unmitigated. Today, he uses every means to put them to sleep, and three or four times a year asks them to remember the colonial period and to look back on the long way they have come since then.

Now it must be said that the masses show themselves totally incapable of appreciating the long way they have come. The peasant who goes on scratching out a living from the soil, and the unemployed man who never finds employment do not manage, in spite of public holidays and flags, new and brightly-coloured though they may be, to convince themselves that anything has really changed in their lives. The bourgeoisie who are in power vainly increase the number of processions; the masses have no illusions. They are hungry; and the police officers, though now they are Africans, do not serve to reassure them particularly. The masses begin to sulk; they turn away from this nation in which they have been given no place and begin to lose interest in it.

From time to time, however, the leader makes an effort; he speaks on the radio or makes a tour of the country to pacify the people, to calm them and bemuse them. The leader is all the more necessary in that there is no party. During the period of the struggle for independence there was one right enough, a party led by the present leader. But since then this patty has sadly disintegrated; nothing is left but the shell of a party, the name, the emblem and the motto. The living party, which ought to make possible the free exchange of ideas which have been elaborated according to the real needs of the mass of the people, has been transformed into a trade union of individual interests. Since the proclamation of independence the party no longer helps the people to set out its demands, to become more aware of its needs and better able to establish its power. Today, the party’s mission is to deliver to the people the instructions which issue from the summit. There no longer exists the fruitful give-and-take from the bottom to the top and from the top to the bottom which creates and guarantees democracy in a party. Quite on the contrary, the party has made itself into a screen between the masses and the leaders. There is no longer any party life, for the branches which were set up during the colonial period are today completely demobilized.

The militant champs on his bit. Now it is that the attitude taken up by certain militants during the struggle for liberation is seen to be justified, for the fact is that in the thick of the fight more than a few militants asked the leaders to formulate a dogma, to set out their objectives and to draw up a programme. But under the pretext of safeguarding national unity, the leaders categorically refused to attempt such a task. The only worthwhile dogma, it was repeatedly stated, is the union of the nation against colonialism. And on they went, armed with an impetuous slogan which stood for principles, while their only ideological activity took the form of a series of variants on the theme of the right of peoples to self-determination, borne on the wind of history which would inevitably sweep away colonialism. When the militants asked whether the wind of history couldn’t be a little more clearly analysed, the leaders gave them instead hope and trust, the necessity of decolonialization and its inevitability, and more to that effect.

After independence, the party sinks into an extraordinary lethargy. The militants are only called upon when so-called popular manifestations are afoot, or international conferences, or independence celebrations. The local party leaders are given administrative posts, the party becomes an administration, and the militants disappear into the crowd and take the empty title of citizen. Now that they have fulfilled their historical mission of leading the bourgeoisie to power, they are firmly invited to retire so that the bourgeoisie may carry out its mission in peace and quiet. But we have seen that the national bourgeoisie of under-developed countries is incapable of carrying out any mission whatever. After a few years, the break-up of the party becomes obvious, and any observer, even the most superficial, can notice that the party, today the skeleton of its former self, only serves to immobilize the people. The party, which during the battle had drawn to itself the whole nation, is falling to pieces. The intellectuals who on the eve of independence rallied to the party, now make it dear by their attitude that they gave their support with no other end in view than to secure their slices of the cake of independence. The party is becoming a means of private advancement.

There exists inside the new regime, however, an inequality in the acquisition of wealth and in monopolization. Some have a double source of income and demonstrate that they are specialized in opportunism. Privileges multiply and corruption triumphs, while morality declines. Today the vultures are too numerous and too voracious in proportion to the lean spoils of the national wealth. The party, a true instrument of power in the hands of the bourgeoisie, reinforces the machine, and ensures that the people are hemmed in and immobilized. The party helps the government to hold the people down. It becomes more and more clearly anti-democratic, an implement of coercion. The party is objectively, sometimes subjectively, the accomplice of the merchant bourgeoisie. In the same way that the national bourgeoisie conjures away its phase of construction in order to throw itself into the enjoyment of its wealth, in parallel fashion in the institutional sphere it jumps the parliamentary phase and chooses a dictatorship of the national-socialist type. We know today that this fascism at high interest which has triumphed for half a century in Latin America is the dialectic result of states which were semi-colonial during the period of independence.

In these poor, under-developed countries, where the rule is that the greatest wealth is surrounded by the greatest poverty, the army and the police constitute the pillars of the regime; an army and a police force (another rule which must not be forgotten) which are advised by foreign experts. The strength of the police force and the power of the army are proportionate to the stagnation in which the rest of the nation is sunk. By dint of yearly loans, concessions are snatched up by foreigners; scandals are numerous, ministers grow rich, their wives doll themselves up, the members of parliament feather their nests and there is not a soul down to the simple policeman or the customs officer who does not join in the great procession of corruption.

The opposition becomes more aggressive and the people at once catch on to its propaganda. From now on their hostility to the bourgeoisie is plainly visible. This young bourgeoisie which appears to be afflicted with precocious senility takes no heed of the advice showered upon it, and reveals itself incapable of understanding that it would be in its interest to draw a veil, even if only the flimsiest kind, over its exploitation. It is the most Christian newspaper The African Weekly, published in Brazzaville, which addresses the princes of the regime thus:

“You who are in good positions, you and your wives, today you enjoy many comforts; perhaps a good education, a fine house, good contacts and many missions on which you are delegated which open new horizons to you. But all your wealth forms a hard shell which prevents your seeing the poverty that surrounds you. Take care.”

This warning coming from The African Weekly and, addressed to the henchmen of Monsieur Youlou has, we may imagine, nothing revolutionary about it. What The African Weekly wants to point out to the starvers of the Congolese people is that God will punish their conduct. It continues: ‘If there is no room in your heart for consideration towards those who are beneath you, there will be no room for you in God’s house.'

It is clear that the national bourgeoisie hardly worries at all about such an indictment. With its wave-lengths tuned in to Europe, it continues firmly and resolutely to make the most of the situation. The enormous profits which it derives from the exploitation of the people are exported to foreign countries. The young national bourgeoisie is often more suspicious of the regime that it has set up than are the foreign companies. The national bourgeoisie refuses to invest in its own country and behaves towards the state that protects and nurtures it with, it must be remarked, astonishing ingratitude. It acquires foreign securities in the European markets, and goes off to spend the week-end in Paris or Hamburg. The behaviour of the national bourgeoisie of certain under-developed countries is reminiscent of the members of a gang, who after every hold-up hide their share in the swag from the other members who are their accomplices and prudently start thinking about their retirement. Such behaviour shows that more or less consciously the national bourgeoisie is playing to lose if the game goes on too long.

They guess that the present situation will not last indefinitely but they intend to make the most of it. Such exploitation and such contempt for the state, however, inevitably gives rise to discontent among the mass of the people. It is in these conditions that the regime becomes harsher. In the absence of a parliament it is the army that becomes the arbiter: but sooner or later it will realize its power and will hold over the government’s head the threat of a manifesto.

As we see it, the national bourgeoisie of certain under-developed countries has learned nothing from books. If they had looked closer at the Latin American countries they doubtless would have recognized the dangers which threaten them. We may thus conclude that this bourgeoisie in miniature that thrusts itself into the forefront is condemned to mark time, accomplishing nothing. In under-developed countries the bourgeois phase is impossibly arid. Certainly, there is a police dictatorship and a profiteering caste, but the construction of an elaborate bourgeois society seems to be condemned to failure. The ranks of decked-out profiteers whose grasping hands scrape up the bank-notes from a poverty-stricken country will sooner or later be men of straw in the hands of the army, cleverly handled by foreign experts. In this way the former mother country practises indirect government, both by the bourgeoisie that it upholds and also by the national army led by its experts, an army that pins the people down, immobilizing and terrorizing them.

The observations that we have been able to make about the national bourgeoisie bring us to a conclusion which should cause no surprise. In under-developed countries, the bourgeoisie should not be allowed to find the conditions necessary for its existence and its growth. In other words, the combined effort of the masses led by a party and of intellectuals who are highly conscious and armed with revolutionary principles ought to bar the way to this useless and harmful middle class.

The theoretical question that for the last fifty years has been raised whenever the history of under-developed countries is under discussion — whether or not the bourgeois phase can be skipped — ought to be answered in the field of revolutionary action, and not by logic. The bourgeois phase in under-developed countries can only justify itself in so far as the national bourgeoisie has sufficient economic and technical strength to build up a bourgeois society, to create the conditions necessary for the development of a large-scale proletariat, to mechanize agriculture and finally to make possible the existence of an authentic national culture.

A bourgeoisie similar to that which developed in Europe is able to elaborate an ideology and at the same time strengthen its own power. Such a bourgeoisie, dynamic, educated and secular, has fully succeeded in its undertaking of the accumulation of capital and has given to the nation a minimum of prosperity. In under-developed countries, we have seen that no true bourgeoisie exists; there is only a sort of little greedy caste, avid and voracious, with the mind of a huckster, only too glad to accept the dividends that the former colonial power hands out to it. This get-rich-quick middle class shows itself incapable of great ideas or of inventiveness. It remembers what it has read in European textbooks and imperceptibly it becomes not even the replica of Europe, but its caricature.

The struggle against the bourgeoisie of under-developed countries is far from being a theoretical one. It is not concerned with making out its condemnation as laid down by the judgement of history. The national bourgeoisie of under-developed countries must not be opposed because it threatens to slow down the total, harmonious development of the nation. It must simply be stoutly opposed because, literally, it is good for nothing. This bourgeoisie, expressing its mediocrity in its profits, its achievements and in its thought, tries to hide this mediocrity by buildings which have prestige value at the individual level, by chromium plating on big American cars, by holidays on the Riviera and week-ends in neon-lit night-clubs.

This bourgeoisie which turns its back more and more on the people as a whole does not even succeed in extracting spectacular concessions from the West, such as investments which would be of value for the country’s economy or the setting up of certain industries. On the contrary, assembly plants spring up and consecrate the type of neo-colonialist industrialization in which the country’s economy flounders. Thus it must not be said that the national bourgeoisie retards the country’s evolution, that it makes it lose time or that it threatens to lead the nation up blind alleys. In fact, the bourgeois phase in the history of under-developed countries is a completely useless phase. When this caste has vanished, devoured by its own contradictions, it will be seen that nothing new has happened since independence was proclaimed, and that everything must be started again from scratch. The change-over will not take place at the level of the structures set up by the bourgeoisie during its reign, since that caste has done nothing more than take over unchanged the legacy of the economy, the thought and the institutions left by the colonialists.

It is all the easier to neutralize this bourgeois class in that, as we have seen, it is numerically, intellectually and economic-ally weak. In the colonized territories, the bourgeois caste draws its strength after independence chiefly from agreements reached with the former colonial power. The national bourgeoisie has all the more opportunity to take over from the oppressor since it has been given time for a leisurely tête-á-tête with the ex-colonial power. But deep-rooted contradictions undermine the ranks of that bourgeoisie; it is this that gives the observer an impression of instability. There is not as yet a homogeneity of caste. Many intellectuals, for example, condemn this regime based on the domination of the few. In under-developed countries, there are certain members of the elite, intellectuals and civil servants, who are sincere, who feel the necessity for a planned economy, the outlawing of profiteers and the strict prohibition of attempts at mystification. In addition, such men fight in a certain measure for the mass participation of the people in the ordering of public affairs.

In those under-developed countries which accede to independence, there almost always exists a small number of honest intellectuals, who have no very precise ideas about politics, but who instinctively distrust the race for positions and pensions which is symptomatic of the early days of independence in colonized countries. The personal situation of these men (bread-winners of large families) or their background (hard struggles and a strictly moral upbringing) explain their manifest contempt for profiteers and schemers. We must know how to use these men in the decisive battle that we mean to engage upon which will lead to a healthier outlook for the nation. Closing the road to the national bourgeoisie is, certainly, the means whereby the vicissitudes of new-found independence may be avoided, and with them the decline of morals, the installing of corruption within the country, economic regression, and the immediate disaster of an anti-democratic regime depending on force and intimidation. But it is also the only means towards progress.

What holds up the taking of a decision by the profoundly democratic elements of the young nation and adds to their timidity is the apparent strength of the bourgeoisie. In newly independent under-developed countries, the whole of the ruling class swarms into the towns built by colonialism. The absence of any analysis of the total population induces onlookers to think that there exists a powerful and perfectly organized bourgeoisie. In fact, we know today that the bourgeoisie in under-developed countries is non-existent. What creates a bourgeoisie is not the bourgeois spirit, nor its taste or manners, nor even its aspirations. The bourgeoisie is above all the direct product of precise economic conditions.

Now, in the colonies, the economic conditions are conditions of a foreign bourgeoisie. Through its agents, it is the bourgeoisie of the mother country that we find present in the colonial towns. The bourgeoisie in the colonies is, before independence, a Western bourgeoisie, a true branch of the bourgeoisie of the mother country, that derives its legitimacy, its force and its stability from the bourgeoisie of the homeland. During the period of unrest that precedes independence, certain native elements, intellectuals and traders, who live in the midst of that imported bourgeoisie, try to identify themselves with it. A permanent wish for identification with the bourgeois representatives of the mother country is to be found among the native intellectuals and merchants.

This native bourgeoisie, which has adopted unreservedly and with enthusiasm the ways of thinking characteristic of the mother country, which has become wonderfully detached from its own thought and has based its consciousness upon foundations which are typically foreign, will realize, with its mouth watering, that it lacks something essential to a bourgeoisie: money. The bourgeoisie of an under-developed country is a bourgeoisie in spirit only. It is not its economic strength, nor the dynamism of its leaders, nor the breadth of its ideas that ensures its peculiar quality of bourgeoisie. Consequently it remains at the beginning and for a long time afterwards a bourgeoisie of the civil service. It is the positions that it holds in the new national administration which will give it strength and serenity. If the government gives it enough time and opportunity, this bourgeoisie will manage to put away enough money to stiffen its domination. But it will always reveal itself as incapable of giving birth to an authentic bourgeois society with all the economic and industrial consequences which this entails.

From the beginning the national bourgeoisie directs its efforts towards activities of the intermediary type. The basis of its strength is found in its aptitude for trade and small business enterprises, and in securing commissions. It is not its money that works, but its business acumen. It does not go m for investments and it cannot achieve that accumulation of capital necessary to the birth and blossoming of an authentic bourgeoisie. At that rate it would take centuries to set on foot an embryonic industrial revolution, and in any case it would find the way barred by the relentless opposition of the former mother country, which will have taken all precautions when setting up neo-colonialist trade conventions.

If the government wants to bring the country out of its stagnation and set it well on the road towards development and progress, it must first and foremost nationalize the middle-man’s trading sector. The bourgeoisie, who wish to see both the triumph of the spirit of money-making and the enjoyment of consumer goods, and at the same time the triumph of their contemptuous attitude towards the mass of the people and the scandalous aspect of profit-making (should we not rather call it robbery?), in fact invest largely in this sector. The intermediary market which formerly was dominated by the settlers will be invaded by the young national bourgeoisie. In a colonial economy the intermediary sector is by far the most important. If you want to progress, you must decide in the first few hours to nationalize this sector. But it is clear that such a nationalization ought not to take on a rigidly state-controlled aspect. It is not a question of placing at the head of these services citizens who have had no political education. Every time such a procedure has been adopted it has been seen that the government has in fact contributed to the triumph of a dictatorship of civil servants who had been set in the mould of the former mother country, and who quickly showed themselves incapable of thinking in terms of the nation as a whole. These civil servants very soon began to sabotage the national economy and to throw its structure out of joint; under them, corruption, prevarication, the diversion of stocks and the black market came to stay. Nationalizing the intermediary sector means organizing wholesale and retail cooperatives on a democratic basis; it also means decentralizing these cooperatives by getting the mass of the people interested in the ordering of public affairs. You will not be able to do all this unless you give the people some political education. Previously, it was realized that this key problem should be clarified once and for all. Today, it is true that the principle of the political education of the masses is generally subscribed to in under-developed countries. But it does not seem that this primordial task is really taken to heart. When people stress the need to educate the people politically, they decide to point out at the same time that they want to be supported by the people in the action that they are taking. A government which declares that it wishes to educate the people politically thus expresses its desire to govern with the people and for the people. It ought not to speak a language destined to camouflage a bourgeois administration. In the capitalist countries, the bourgeois governments have long since left this infantile stage of authority behind. To put it bluntly, they govern with the help of their laws, their economic strength and their police. Now that their power is firmly established they no longer need to lose time in striking demagogic attitudes. They govern in their own interests, and they have the courage of their own strength. They have created legitimacy, and they are strong in their own right.


Gong Guru Maragh
(Leonard Percival Howell, 1935)
I wish to state to you my dear Readers, that Ethiopia is a Country of great contrasts largely unexplored and is populated by Black People
whose attitude towards this so called Western civilization has not changed within the last six thousand years.
The people are Christians while retaining Primitive customs. The result is that the Black People of Ethiopia are extraordinarily blended into
a refined fashion that cannot be met with in any other part of the world.
In 1930 the Duke of Gloucester undertook one of the most interesting duties he had been called upon to execute up to this date. The
occasion was the Coronation of His Majesty Ras Tafari the King of Kings and Lord of Lords, the conquering Lion of Judah, the Elect of God and the
Light of the world.
The Duke was to represent his father The Anglo-Saxon King. The Duke handed to His Majesty Rastafari the King of Kings and Lord of lords a
Scepter of solid gold twenty seven inches long, which had been taken from the hands of Ethiopia some thousand years ago.
The Duke fell down on bending knees before His Majesty Ras Tafari the King of Kings and Lord of Lords and spoke in a loud voice and said.
“Master, Master my father has sent me to represent him sir. He is unable to come and he said that he will serve you to the end Master.”
On one side of the Scepter was inscribed: “Ethiopia shall make her hands reach unto God” and on the other side “I the King of Kings of
Ethiopia” The top of the shaft was finished with a seal and above was a golden cross in which a single carbuncle was set.
The Scepter was a magnificent piece of workmanship and had been designed from an historic piece in which the special ceremonies of His
Royal Highness of Ethiopia, Earth’s Rightful Ruler.
The Duke also handed to Queen Omega the Empress of Ethiopia a Scepter of gold and ivory. The shaft is in the form of a spray of lilies and
at the top a spray of lilies in bloom.
It was a brilliant ceremony; the church began to be filled. The Ethiopians were brilliant in special robes having discarded their precious
white robes, and wore Jewels of great value.
The men’s swords were being heavily ornamented with gems. On their heads they wore gold braided hats, in which the covered lion’s
manes were to be seen. In contraction then were the solar note struck by the women who were heavily veiled, and wore heavy cloaks.
His and Her Majesty King Alpha and Queen Omega the King of Kings drove to the Cathedral in a Coach drawn by six white Arab horses.
Queen Omega in a Robe of Silver and the escort on mules wearing lion’s skin over their shoulders, forming into procession outside the
Cathedral. King Ras Tafari and Queen Omega the Royal pair, the escort and a line of Bishops and Priests entered the guest rank obeisance.
King Alpha sitting on his Throne, homage was done to him by the Bishops and Priests fulfilling the 2Ft. Psalm. The ceremony took 10 days
from the second day to the eleventh day of November 1930.
King Alpha was presented with the orb spurs, and spears and many other mighty emblems of His High Office, Dignitaries of the world power
presented King Alpha with the wealth of oceans.
The Emperor attended to most of his preparations for the reception of his thousands of guests himself, and day after day could be seen
rushing about in his scarlet car seeing how the white laborers were getting on with the new road he had ordered that the lawns he had laid down be
attended to and that the extension of the electric lights throughout the city were being hurried on.
All the Churches Religious system of today claims to represent the Lord God of Israel; but the Pope who is satan the devil, false
organization is a hypocritical religious system that has three elements, first commercial political and ecclesiastical, to keep the people in ignorance
of their wicked course.
Money powers are the great bulwarks of their organization and they use the Religious elements as a smoke screen to keep the people in
ignorance of the truth.
The false teachers under the supervision of the Pope of Rome who is satan the devil. The agents of his speaking lies in the churches and let
the people walk in darkness.
My dear Readers you can see that all their foundations of the earth are out of course. Allow me to say that there is no throne for the Anglo
Saxon white people, they must come down and sit in the dust on the ground there is no throne for them.
King Alpha was wroth with us the Black People and had polluted our inheritance for 2520 years and had given us into the hands of the
Anglo-Saxon white people, they showed us no mercy therefore evil shall come upon them suddenly. Now let the Astrologers and Stargazers stand up
and save the Anglo-Saxon Kingdom from the vengeance that shall come upon them suddenly.
The glory that was Solomon’s greater still reigns in Ethiopia. We can see all the Kings of the earth surrendering their crowns to His Majesty
Ras Tafari the King of Kings and Lord of Lords Earth’s Rightful Ruler to reign forever and ever.
Upon His Majesty Ras Tafari’s head are many diadems and on His garments a name written “King of Kings and Lord of Lords", Oh come let
us adore him for he is King of Kings and Lord of Lords, The Conquering Lion of Judah, The Elect of God and the Light of the World.
His Majesty Ras Tafari is the head over all man for he is the Supreme God. His body is the fullness of him that filleth all in all. Now my dear
people let this be our goal, forward to the King of Kings must be the cry of our social hope. Forward to the King of Kings to purify our social
standards and our way of living, and rebuild and inspire our character Forward to the King of Kings to learn the worth of manhood and woman-hood.
Forward to the King of Kings to learn His code of Laws from the mount demanding absolute Love, Purity, Honesty, and Truthfulness. Forward to the
King of Kings to learn His Laws and social order, so that virtue will eventually gain the victory over body and soul and that truth will drive away
falsehood and fraud. Members of the King of Kings arise for God’s sake and put your armor on.
Dear inhabitants of the Western Hemisphere, the King of Kings warriors can never be defeated, the Pope of Rome and his agents shall not
prevail against the King of Kings host warriors, you all must stand up, stand up, for the King of Kings. All ye warriors of the King of Kings lift high King
Alpha‘s Royal Banner, from victory to victory King Alpha shall lead his army till every enemy is vanquished.
Dear inhabitants of this world King Ras Tafari and Queen Omega are the foundation stones of the Resurrection of the Kingdom of Ethiopia.
Their prayer and labour for our Resurrection is past finding out; no library in this world is able to contain the work of their hands for us, for
they work both day and night for our deliverance.
As for this generation of the 20th century you and I have no knowledge how worlds are build and upon what triggers Kingdoms are set.
In King Alpha’s Encyclopedia he will explain to us all, how worlds are being built and upon what trigger Kingdoms are set on. He will also
explain to us the capacities of generations.
Speaking for the Universe and the woman-hood of man Queen Omega the Ethiopian woman is the crown woman of this world. She hands us
Her Rule-Book from the poles of supreme authority she is the Cannon Mistress of creation.
King Alpha and Queen Omega are the paymasters of the world, Bible owner and money mint. Do not forget they are Black People if you
Owing to the universal rend of our ancient and modern we are at this juncture of our history scattered over the Globe into little sectional
All our local bands throughout the globe are bent towards King Alpha’s Royal Repository, the Royal Authority, is to admit all Bands, Mission
Camps, Denominations into the supreme Royal Repository.
Queen Omega being the balming mistress of many worlds she charges the powerhouse right now.
Ethiopia is the succeeding Kingdom of the Anglo-Saxon Kingdom. A man of greater learning and a better Christian soul, than King Alpha is
not to be found on the face of the Globe. He makes the nations heart rejoices with raging joy, we give him the glory. Ethiopia rulebook leads us into
different departments of the Kingdom, the records of the Kingdom are with us unto this day. The Regulations points us to the basis of the Kingdom.
Many will not see the truth, because they are spiritually blind. The woman of Samaria first refused to obey the request of our Lord because
she was spiritually blind. But when the great Physician opened up her eyes and healed her of her infirmities concerning her many husbands in the city
of Samaria, she found out that her first teachers of denominations throughout the state or country of Samaria were false. Then she cried aloud unto
the inhabitants of the city and said “Come see a man that told me all that I ever did and is not a native of Samaria but an Hebrew, is not this man
the very Christ.” Our cities of today are inhabited with the same qualities of people as it was in the days of Jesus and the woman of Samaria.
The healing plough of the repository transplanted and re-builds our very soul and body without fail. The misery of the land is healed by
fasting. King Alpha picks us up from out of the midst of the raging misery of the land and hides us from the raging wolves of the land into our Balm
Yard. What is a Balm Yard? A Balm Yard is a Holy place that is wholly consecrated to God Almighty for the cleansing and healing of the nations.
Where only the Holy Spirit of God alone is allowed to do the Royal work of healing. Who does the balming work? Consecrated men and women that
the Holy Spirit moves upon the blazing altar of their soul and endowed them with power that they command and handle the infirmities of the
Have we any authority from King Alpha? Yes we are vessels of the divine honor. Have we any authority from the world? Assuredly yes
indeed, King Alpha signs for our destiny and gave us His Supreme Affidavit a trillion centuries after the end of eternal life.
First and last every soul for admission must be believers in the power of King Ras Tafari the living God.
An admission fee must be paid in advance from four shillings up according to the power and duration of the miserable infirmities whereof
one is afflicted (Special Notice).
Sometimes King Alpha has to perform special medical attention.
King Alpha said Bands are not by Ministers, they are by the Priesthood not after the order of Aaron but strictly after the Royal Order of King
Ras Tafari the King of Kings of Ethiopia.
Revivalists are not common people, if some individuals of the lower order in the dung heap happen to get into the world by mistake he or
she will soon get out and hang him or herself. The reason why revivalists would have not been lightened up with radiance before now, King Alpha was
awaiting for the Delegates of the Resurrection of the Kingdom of Ethiopia and King Alpha’s work is strictly perfect and He and Queen Omega do not
business with Anglo-Militant white people nakedness.
King Alpha said that a Balm Yard is not a Hospital neither is it an obeah shop. People that are guilty of obeah must not visit balm yards nor
in the Assembly of Black Supremacy. No admittance for Fortunetellers witch and old hag. No admittance for obeah dogs none whatever, no
admittance for ghost, witch, lizards, no admittance for Alligators, Snakes, Puss, Crabs, Flies, Ants, Rats, and Mice, and Lodestones, Pin, and Needles,
John Crows, the Ravens and Candles, fast Cups and Rum Bottles and Grave Yards are not required.
People’s clothes, a beast hair and fowls and Grave dirt not wanted. The Woman’s baby will strive in her belly, and your Snake and Lizards
will not be able to hurt her. For your ghosts will come right back to you. For this is Ethiopia’s balm yard and we do not have leprosy. For ghosts only
visit the leper’s home.
This poison is for all bad spirits it is No. 666 it is good for the Pope of Rome and the Monarch of hell bottom - you will not be here to
grudge, or obeah or rob the people nor breed up the young girls and treat them like dog.
You will not plant your obeah self with no man or woman so that we who are King Alpha’s children cannot get rid of you until the obeah
rotten. Science my dear King your black and white heart obeah factory is up side down. Take this rankin dose of fatal deadly poison and leave for
God’s sake, do it quickly. By Supreme law of King Alpha the King of Kings, you will not blind, give big foot or sore, or turn any more children across
the woman’s belly and kill her baby when it is born, nor any time after. Every good looking man’s wife you see you want to cohabit with her, you
rotten gut snake, and anywhere a man put a business you go there to kill and drive away, you dead cold horse.
This pole is Black Supremacy owned by King Alpha the King of Kings now Ethiopia knew the perfect value of Holy Baptism under water, for
King Alpha taught us how to appreciate the power of holy baptism.
Now we the Black People have no pardon to beg white supremacy, no favor to ask her for she is an acknowledged deceiver. From B.C. 4001
to A. D. second score, she faked all Christianity.
Black Supremacy the Church Triumphant has denounced her openly for baptism is a very important subject to Black Supremacy.
The King of Kings of creation the first and last said “Blessed are they that searcheth the deep things on the tree of life for His wisdom is
deep and is past all finding out.” Thus said the living God and owner of life, to overcome white bondage and filth and black hypocrisy amongst your
own black skin you have to fast hard or the white man is very filthy and the black man is an hypocrite and hypocrite means a crook, a filthy man that
class of white folks who cut with the crook - they are called Black-White.
Always have a basin of fine or coarse salt on your fast table as long as God is your ruler. When you break your fast do not throw the water
over your heads the trouble will fall on you. When you are all ready with your cup in hand the Elder will ask is it all well with thee, everybody shall
say together “all is well with me” then the Elder shall ask again “Who will bear a true witness for the Tree of Life?” all shall say “to the Living God
will God help me for life” and the leader shall say “follow me with your cup of trouble to the burying place of sin and shame”.
Then everybody walk quietly and respectfully throw away the water, then come in and wash your hands and face and be happy feeling
satisfied and revived and lovely. House to house fasting is very powerful, it lifts the work and removes devils from homes of those in distress. Once a
week for the general assembly is all right. A love feast every three or six months is needed.
Mount Africa the world’s capital, the new Bible land, the triumphant lot is for King Alpha own lot until this day. Slave Traders called the
world’s capital, Jamaica British West Indies. Before the Adamic deadly diseases poisoned the human family with fallen Angels, blue murders, there
has been only one perfect language on the face of the globe. Therefore the Anglo Militant fallen Angel tongues are not appreciated by His Majesty
King Alpha the Monarch of Life. Thus said Ras Tafari the living God to creation vast Rome has deceived the race of man, and has killed the mortal
supreme monarch Ethiopia’s glory is no guesser long before this world was Ethiopia’s glory has been running Contrillion of centuries ago. Ethiopia’s
Repository will change and qualify the fallen Angels deadly poisonous indomitable lying tongue. Stupidity is the most they get out of the various
tongues spoken by the majority. Ninety-five out of every one hundred do not know what they do or say, any ghost can fool them at any corner.
Black Supremacy has taken charge of white supremacy by King Alpha and Queen Omega the King of Kings. Instead of saying Civilization
hereafter we all shall say Black Supremacy. Just takes this drench of indomitable fury and move for the Church triumphant right from the bridge of
supreme authority.
Black Supremacy will promote the mortals of every shade according to our powers to go. The Black Museum will be opened day and night
for life. Education will be free and compulsory to all mortal beings, if you are not an enemy of black Supremacy.
Man and women can marry right in School if you are of a respectable proportion of dignity. Black must not marry white nor white black,
race enmity.
Always be a respectful diplomat, always give an intelligent reply to every person that approach or write you on any subject always ask for
the full value inside the nature of any written subject. Do not put your quick judgment on any person confidence is quick to move, just what the
people are that is just the state of your government. Do not follow the Court House and Doctors they will fake you to death. Do not marry any
divorced person it is a curse, stick to your own wife and husband.
Do not watch and peep your wife or husband, you are only digging a grave for yourself. Do not try to make your wife or husband or family
feel small because you have got more college filth in your head, hold them up, they are the cause of you being what you are. I know thousands of
college hogs and dogs, professional swines; also some very fine people.
His and Her Majesty King Alpha and Queen Omega said that they do not call ministers to Black Supremacy banquets for ministers are not
working for him they are following Adam Abraham Anglo-Saxon the leper. Legislators said one man cannot serve two masters.
Adam Abraham the leper is boss for ministers and lawyers because all they teach and preach about is Adam-Eve and Abraham the leper.
For they do not see one book in the Bible written by Adam and Eve or the book of Abraham or book of Isaac. According to the clearness of this case
there is nobody name Adam Eve and Abraham.
If you ever touch the slave papers they catch you sure as His Majesty Ras Tafari lives. The officers and soldiers at camp that have power
and influence are well posted by King Alpha the King of Kings, their names you will not know.
Legislators said one man cannot serve two masters. Ministers say they can’t work with Adam and Eve and work for King Alpha and Queen
Omega the same time. Abraham the historian said despise the both of them; lawyers said you got to find fault with them, the judges said leave the
Alpha and Omega out, because they are black and skin for skin.
The Adamic tree of knowledge and Eve the mother of Evil, see Genesis 2nd chapter. The Adamic apple tree my dear leper your name is
Adam-Abraham Anglo-Saxon apple tree, that look pretty and respectable to your eyes don’t it? Yes indeed-gross beauty is the Queen in hell, and
Royal leper Adam and Eve and Abraham and Anglo-Saxon are all white people if you please.
King Alpha and Queen Omega said they are Black Arch Sovereign of most Holy Times, and perfect Virginity, and Supreme Crown Head of
Holy Times the Pay Master and keeper of the Perfect Tree of Life and creators of Creation, Dynasties and Kingdoms, Holy Genealogy and Holy
Theocracy and Celestial in Terrestrial Mediator if you wish to know their profession. The Eternal Come Back King Alpha the Monarch Sovereign
PayMaster and Owner of this world. Just make one Eternal come back at His Pay Office.
King Alpha and his wife Queen Omega were here on earth before if you please. Old Alpha the Lion of Creation said to Queen Omega please
hand me the Pay Roll and the Militant and Balance Sheet. And your Majesty will mount His Excellency’s Great Circle Throne and throw Old Theocracy
above the Wheel of Holy Time, right into Holy Eternity to the Lion of Alpha and Omega the King of kings forevermore.
King Alpha and Queen Omega are Black People if you please. They are commonly called the Exodus if you please, the book of Exodus is
theirs if you please. Notice if you see Moses and Aaron and Abraham gave any strong report of King Alpha and Queen Omega in their fake Bible if you
please. Well since a man has right to pay without work, this world can also work with pay.
There is no book in the Bible for the Anglo Saxon Creation, there is no book of Isaac or his father Abraham in the New Testament.
King Alpha the Most Sacred and Everlasting God, Heaven and Earth’s creator, said that Adam Abraham-Anglo Saxon whit people are not
entitled to any eternal reward according to his schedule.
My dear Ethiopians. Ethiopia is the crown head of this earth field since heaven has been built by His Majesty Ras Tafari the living God.
Thank and praise the ever-living God as long as eternal ages roll.
King Alpha and Queen Omega said they are our parents, and the keeper of the Tree of Life. He and his wife are not any family at all to
Adam and Eve and Abraham and Isaac and the Anglo Saxon Slave Owners; for that is exactly how His Majesty King Noah the Black Monarch was
drowned at Antediluvia by Adam Abraham the Anarchy.
Judge Samson lost his tribunal and life by marrying the Philistine white woman. See how the Philistine Judges plotting out riddles with the
woman how to get him.
The AMERICAN rapers Ku-Klux-Klan and Mob Lynching policy! These unfortunate ones are the outcome of the advance Rate on the Anglo-
Saxon slave train. The Advance Rate means in time of slavery, the white slave masters committed boisterous fornication with the black woman that
were taken slaves.
In those days the black men held no opportunity to (Rate) that is, to lie with white women. Therefore, while the black men’s blood was
burning up in their bodies for the sexual sup-port of their own women the white slave masters took away all the best black women and committed
boisterous fornication with them and called it Advance Rate. That is how the third class people came into the human vein.
In those days this act was called the Advance Rate of white supremacy; it is the universal spirit of abuse that manifests itself that the
common class black man are now raping the common class white woman.
Both rapers and mob lynchers and Ku-Klux Klan are to be shot down from off the face of God Almighty’s beautiful earth.
The Ethiopian Question is this: The continent of Ethiopia is that national. She is that rich national woman that has charmed the men of
nations to be with her.
After a time when they all have lived and cohabited with her they all broke her down and left her and persecuted her.
That is just how all nations manage to soak through the Ethiopian woman of prosperity. She had too much sympathy for the perishing
nations whose lives are riotously lived until this day.
Slave traders went into Ethiopia and damaged her seeds, beyond any earthly cure. Because she had too much sympathy for willful idlers of
various nations. They went into her, robbed her lands, money and took her seeds to be slaves.
Today she and her children have no power in her own land, or abroad. All that Ethiopians have to do now, is build anew. Get out a new
dictionary and a new Bible, and a new Board of Education and Money Mint. The outfit shall be called Black supremacy; signed by His and Her Majesty
Ras Tafari and Queen Omega the King of Kings, head of this world.
The lesson learnt by slave traders through Black Histories is well preserved. We have given our blood, souls, bodies and spirits to redeem
Adam Abraham Anglo Saxon the white A. D. second score at his astonishing stop. He is still infested with indomitable, incurable, accursed, deadly
disease. We have given him access to the tree of life, we gave him the Garden of Eden, we gave him Egypt, we gave them Daniel and the body of the
Black Virgin, the mother of Jesus and they took Joseph also.
We gave ourselves to be slaves for hundred of years. We gave up King Alpha and Queen Omega the first and the last. Now we are disgusted
with them, we wash our hands of them for life.
His Majesty Ras Tafari alone with his bona-fide Lion hearted wife Queen Omega King of Kings, most Living and Eternal, and Ever Living
Sovereign owner of Life, the Biblical Sovereign of this World.
His Majesty Ras Tafari the Bible Owner of Holy Times denounced the Bible Militant also the Militant Dictionary. And take off the Black man,
his posterity’s from off the Anglo Militant Slave Train at Nationality and planted the Church Triumphant. The Black Supremacy on triumphant soil the
world’s capital the new Bible Land, the isles of Springs the same country that the Anarchy called Jamaica British West Indies. Black Supremacy’s
greatest men and women are sub-ways and air masters of every shade, they sleep in bed and eat with you, and you do not know what triggers your
life and destiny is on the Gods of laws are my students said the King of Kings, the air you are breathing this minute is for King Ras Tafari. The barbed
wire eternity is his; the brimstone is his. I want you to know that the firmament is his. When He speaks to her she obeys His Royal Voice, His and Her
Majesty Ras Tafari and Queen Omega and we the Black People that is King Alpha and Queen Omega seeds will be here in gross prosperity as soon as
the Anglo Saxon white peoples all die out if you please.
King Alpha and Queen Omega are the typesetters for time and eternity if you please. The keeper of the tree of life, owner of the Zodiac,
owner of this earth; they are the Ethiopian Kingdom owner, if you please. Adam Abraham Anglo-Saxon the leper has no place in this earth if you
His Majesty Ras Tafari said: now sweet heart my dear wonder, just take this drench of perfect wonders and live with me for life. His
Majesty King Alpha and Queen Omega being the keepers of the tree of life said, Dear heart before we take charge of the Guest Chamber of Creation
He said that they had to clear God’s perfect reputation and the tree of life. They are requested to call the medical powerhouse of this world and
have their best physicians to (loose) the Virgin matrix and give them a crown diploma of our dignity.
The Royal name of this Ethiopian dignity is called Black Supremacy, by the Sacred Order of His Majesty Ras Tafari the living Creator, the
living God, and Earth Superior, the master builder of Creation, the perfect Royal Head of this World. King Ras Tafari and Queen Omega the King of
Kings and Lord of Lords, the conquering Lion of Judah, the Elect of God and the Light of the World, the First and the Last, the beginning and ending.
Black People, Black People arise and shine for the light has come and the glory of the King of Kings is now risen upon thee. Let not the
preachers of the white man’s doctrine persuade you to turn your back against H. M. Ras Tafari the Lord God of Israel. Every man was created for the
earth in order that he might have and enjoy the fullness of the richness of the Earth.
The white man’s doctrine has forced the black man to forsake silver and gold and seek Heaven after death. It has brought us to live in
disgrace and die in dishonor. Now we the black man have found out that their doctrine was only a trick, and all their intention was to make
themselves strong and to fool the black man.
As I G. G. Maragh speak unto you, this is a very serious affair and must not be forsaken. The wise black man woman and children gaining
knowledge diligently toward the truth of H. M. Ras Tafari Kingdom must be had before one could possibly receive the truth, for he is King of Kings
and Lords of Lords, therefore he is earth’s rightful ruler. In this name alone will the black people receive happiness. His throne is forever and ever
and a Scepter of righteousness is the Scepter of his Kingdom.
Woe be unto the preacher of the white man’s doctrine a hypocrisy or devil worship. There are millions of persons of good will who see the
cruel unjust and wicked things done in the Church organizations in the name of God.
It is the will of H. M. Ras Tafari that such persons of good will may have an opportunity to get knowledge of truth. May I state that all
reasonable persons who hear the truth should readily see that the Pope of Rome and his preachers are Ras Tafari who is the Lord God of Israel’s
great opposer and greatest enemy. Persons of good will to the Kingdom of H. I. M. will live forever. The other will remain dead forever.
Woe be unto them that forsaketh H. M. Ras Tafari as being God Almighty, they shall be cast into hell both body and soul.